Jews in Poland

The beginnings of Jewish settlement in Europe

It is estimated that the first Jewish contacts with Europe and with the Europeans took place in the 8th century B.C.E., through Greek merchants who penetrated the coasts of the Mediterranean Sea. The first Jews arrived in Europe two centuries later. Closer relationships were established along with the incorporation of the territories inhabited by Jews into the sphere of European influence through the conquests of Alexander the Great (4th century B.C.E.). It was when the interpenetration of both cultures had begun and resulted among others in Jewish works written in Greek. The subsequent conquest of the territories inhabited by Jews by the Roman Empire preserved the European cultural impact on the Jewish communities living there, and at the same time on Judaism itself. Simultaneously Jewish settlement in European territories (at first the Greek and Roman ones) was also underway. At first, the situation of Jewish communities in Roman Europe was good (they enjoyed the same rights and responsibilities as the rest of other free citizens of the Empire), but this changed along with the Christianization of the Roman Empire. Between 5th and 8th centuries, the situation of Jewish communities was gradually becoming more and more difficult as increasingly restrictive religious laws was introduced. Still, Jewish merchants were increasing their activity in Western, and subsequently Central and Eastern Europe.

At first, the gradual increase of Jewish presence in Eastern European territories took place in the context of trade relations. Starting from the 11^th century Europe for many centuries became the centre of Jewish life across the world. At the turn of the 13^th and 14^th centuries, Jews were expelled from England, France and Spain, from which they moved to German territories, and then to Poland, which at that time was providing greater security and economic freedom. As a consequence of these events, in the 13^th century Poland became the centre of Ashkenazi Jewry (of German-French origin).

Poland – the center of Jewish life

The history of the Jewish minority on the Polish territories encompasses over a 1000 years of coexistence of both nations, joint development and common struggles. The presence of Jews in Poland was first mentioned in the reports of Ibrahim ibn Jacob, a Jewish merchant and a diplomat from the Cordoba caliphate. The coins with Hebrew inscriptions minted on the orders of the Polish princes provide a proof of the gradual development of the Jewish community in Poland and its connections with the monarchs. In the 13th century a law (the so called Statute of Kalisz) was introduced which provided the legal basis for Jewish settlement in Poland and subsequently also for the creation of a partially autonomous Jewish community. The Statute of Kalisz guaranteed the existence of Jewish courts and separate courts for cases concerning both Jews and Christians. It guaranteed Jews personal freedom and security, including freedom of religion, travel and trade. The law was re-enacted in the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries by subsequent monarchs.

The golden age or the Jewish paradise (Paradisus Iudaeorum) of the Jewish community in Poland extended between the 16^th and 17^th centuries and coincided with the period of the flourishing of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth.[1] Jews were kindly invited to settle within the borders and partake in the expansion of private and gentry towns, particularly in the eastern territories of the Commonwealth. During this period, the Jewish community was exceptionally active and dynamic and was seen as a source of impulse for growth. Writing and printing in Hebrew fuelled development of learning. Additionally, an institution that regulated the life of the Jewish community across the entire Commonwealth – the Council of Four Lands (Waad Arba Aracot) – was established. The end of this period came with a political and economic crisis in the late 17th century, subsequently followed by the partitions of Poland which in 1795 lost its independence for 123 years.

When “Heaven becomes Hell”

In the interwar period, Poland regained independence and started to redevelop as a state again. This was also a time of political flourishing of Jewish communities and of expansion of Jewish culture in Yiddish, Hebrew and Polish languages. Unfortunately, the onset of the Great Depression signalized the end of peace. One of its consequences worth emphasizing was the worsening of attitudes towards national minorities. The Great Depression was especially severe for the Jewish community. Even before the First World War the poverty among Jews in Poland was widespread, just like in the entire Eastern Europe, and the crisis has made it even worse. Although the population of Polish Jews included professionals (in law and medicine), owners of small production plants, and a modest group of capitalists (in the banking sector, in the sugar and textile industries), most of them worked in small-scale trade and services (usually as shopkeepers, shoemakers, tailors, and bakers), and in the textile industry. Boycotts of Jewish stores, the bench ghetto, and finally the pogroms made the harsh conditions of the economic poverty even worse. All this, however, was overshadowed by the tragic experience of the World War II and the Holocaust. It is estimated that during the war Poland lost over 20% of its population, about half of which were members of the Polish Jewish minority.[2] Only about 250-300,000 people, out of the 3-3.5 million Jewish population of Poland in 1939, survived the war and the policies of mass extermination perpetrated by the Nazi Germany.

The material losses of the entire country were also unimaginable, including 38% of the national wealth[3], over 50% of the communication and transport infrastructure, 48-65% of the industrial infrastructure, 55% of the healthcare infrastructure, and 43% of the cultural objects.[4] Number of small towns, especially Jewish Shtetls, were razed to the ground while big cities also suffered considerable damages (e.g. it is estimated that Polish capital, Warsaw, lost nearly 85% of its urban substance, more than any other European city that saw military actions during the conflict).[5]

New Beginnings with the baggage of past wounds

At the end of the World War II, Poland did not regain full independence. Instead, it became a satellite state[6] of the Soviet Union and subsequently a member of the Warsaw Pact[7]. The narrative on the war imposed on Poland made an open dialogue on the situation of the Jewish minority and the experiences of both Jews and Poles during the conflict impossible. It was all the more important, as the entire Polish society (ethnic Poles, Polish Jews and other minorities) had to suffer the consequences of the enormous trauma caused by the atrocities experienced during the war.[8]

It is estimated that 85% of the Polish Jewish population perished in the Holocaust. Of those who survived, many decided to emigrate because it was too painful to stay in the place that reminded of the annihilation of their community. Some, however, decided to stay and work to rebuild Jewish life in Poland and to commemorate those who died. Unfortunately, the post-war period was not free from anti-Jewish sentiments. The survivors returning to their hometowns often were met with hostility and even violence, including pogroms. This gave an impetus to another wave of emigration. In effect, by the end of 1947 the Jewish population of Poland was estimated at less than 100,000 people. Another mass migration of Jews from Poland took place in 1968-69 and was caused by the anti-Jewish policy of the Polish communist party.[9]

The full restoration of diplomatic relations between Poland and Israel was possible only in 1990, after the fall of Communism in 1989. Since then, numerous actions have been taken to rebuild Jewish life in Poland, to commemorate the large Jewish community which for centuries inhabited the Polish territories, and to develop multilevel relations, cooperation and dialogue with the state of Israel, in particular through educational and economic initiatives.

The formation of bias

Looking back at the history of the Jewish minority in Europe, one can notice that its members enjoyed a friendly welcome and a relative calm in all the countries during the periods of economic prosperity and political stabilization. However, when the economic and political situation declined, so would the attitudes towards the Jews: from reluctance, through physical actions such as confiscation of property and expulsions, up to attacks that were threat to the health and life of the members of the community. Social and historical research points to the relationship between economic situation of societies and their attitudes towards minorities. These observations were the foundations for the theories explaining the formation of bias, such as the scapegoat theory (Allport, Berkowitz & Green), and its motivations, such as the theory of relative deprivation (David), realistic conflict theory (Campbell), the theory of optimal distinctiveness (Brewer, Geoffrey, Leonardelli & Pickett), and social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner). It can be noticed that at the source those theories are based on disturbance of the sense of material or psychological security felt by people. This threat, understood as a restriction of access to material goods or self-esteem important for a given person or group, can be either real, imagined or resulting from wrong premises.

Theories of the formation of prejudices based on the feeling that one’s access to material goods is under threat

 

The theory of relative deprivation (David)[10]

 

According to the theory of relative deprivation, group members often compare their resources (in particular goods of high social status) with those of other people in their close vicinity (family, neighbors, friends). Each person decides whether the resources are important to them and whether in their opinion they are entitled to them. If a person considers a resource important and him or herself entitled to it, he or she subsequently compares how many resources in a given category he or she has in relation to other individuals. If a person decides, in result of that comparison, that resources at his/her disposal are modest, than a sense of dissatisfaction or a subjective sense of deprivation – absence or insufficient quantity at disposal – appears. In the context of the present theory, depravation refers to the situation when a person or a group has none or not enough of the resources considered important.

 

Realistic conflict theory (Campbell) [11]

 

Realistic conflict theory is built on the premise that when resources important to two or more groups are limited, they must compete to gain access to them, and therefore the probability of a conflict between the rival groups is very high. Moreover, the already existing mutual prejudices, hostile attitudes, and even discrimination or aggression towards representatives of opposing groups may be expected to intensify or – if there are none yet – emerge.

 

The scapegoat theory (Allport, Berkowitz & Green)[12]

 

The scapegoat theory is a special case of the real conflict theory. Its proponents claim that in difficult situations, especially when one’s own group encounters difficulties or experiences failures, for example in economic development or improvement of the standard of living, frustrations and tension may be released by blaming a selected alien group, such as Jews or people of colour, for the lack of success. Then, retaliatory reactions may be directed at members of this group, which may lead to violence.

 

Theories of the formation of prejudices based on the feeling that important psychological goods are in danger

 

The theory of optimal distinctiveness (Brewer, Geoffrey, Leonardelli & Pickett)[13]

 

The theory of optimal distinctiveness assumes that members of society strive to maintain a balance between the need to preserve a sense of separateness, individuality and uniqueness, and the desire to be part of a larger whole, to belong to a community and to have features that connect them with other members of a given group. Separating oneself too much from the rest of the group as one focuses on uniqueness can lead to a feeling of loneliness and isolation, while complete unification with the rest of the community increases the likelihood that members of alien groups will be viewed through the prism of stereotypes. Therefore, people naturally strive to sustain balance between both states and try not to fall into extremes that could threaten their level of self-esteem or sense of security.

 

Social identity theory [14]

 

Social identity theory proposes that what primarily motivates humans to create distinctions between self and strangers is the need to raise and strengthen the self-esteem of an individual which can be achieved in two ways. Firstly, through one’s own achievements confirming the high competences or talent of a given person, or thanks to belonging to a high status group, where social recognition is gained by becoming a member. Secondly, it can be achieved through depreciation of other individuals or groups and in effect raising their own opinion about themselves or their own group. Thus, the “us-them” division is a natural action aimed at valuing one’s own group. Members of disadvantaged groups, traditionally at a low position within society, try to increase their self-esteem by emphasizing their uniqueness or distinctiveness.